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Death of ‘Minna 37’ in Custody: Accident or Foul Play? – THISDAYLIVE

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The uproar caused by the death of 37 detained suspected illegal Miners in custody, is unlikely to die down soon. They were arrested on September 15 & 16, 2026, had not been charged, and were found dead in the early hours of September 17, 2026 while in the custody of Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC). Speculation as to what may have caused their death, is rife. Was it a suspected outbreak of disease, as the NSCDC has alluded to? Or was it intentional/foul play, a mistake or negligence? Was it as a result of overcrowding, poor ventilation and bad conditions? An Independent Investigation, is already underway. What duty does a Custodian owe a Detainee, and who answers when 37 such persons die in one night? Professor Uju Agomoh, Angela Nwandu-Uzoma Iwuchukwu and Okechukwu Nwanguma examine these questions, share their views on the vexed issue, and what must change to prevent a reoccurrence 

When 37 Lives Become a Question for the State: The Tragedy in NSCDC Custody

Prof Uju Agomoh

Thirty-seven people entered the custody of the Nigerian State alive. They did not leave it alive. That fact alone, should make every Nigerian pause. Many have written and spoken on this outrage, including the Nigerian Bar Association, several Civil Society organisations (CSOs), and Coalitions such as the CSO Forum on Detention and Corrections, which issued a statement signed by thirty-four (34) CSOs from across the country.

The deaths of 37 persons detained by the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) in Minna, Niger State, following arrests during operations against suspected illegal mining, are not merely another tragic news story. They raise fundamental questions about the meaning of State custody, the limits of law-enforcement power, the dignity owed to persons deprived of their liberty and, ultimately, the value that Nigeria places on human life.

The victims were reportedly arrested on September 15 and 16, 2026, during NSCDC operations in the M.I. Wushishi and Lukoto areas of Niger State. 37 detainees were subsequently, found dead at an NSCDC Detention Facility on September 17. The NSCDC initially referred to a suspected disease outbreak, while subsequent accounts from survivors and others raised questions about overcrowding, ventilation and the possible spraying of an unidentified substance. The precise cause and mechanism of the deaths, remain subject to investigation. That distinction matters.

In a society governed by law, allegations must not be converted into conclusions merely because they are emotionally compelling. The Government has established an independent Investigative Committee, and its medical team has begun work to determine the cause, mechanism and manner of the deaths. The Committee has also said it will interview survivors and others with relevant information, and examine the circumstances surrounding the incident. The investigation must therefore, be allowed to establish the facts. But, allowing an investigation to run its course does not mean that society should remain silent. On the contrary, this is precisely the moment when public attention must remain focused.

Custody Creates Responsibility 

There is a profound legal and moral difference between a person dying in the ordinary course of life, and a person dying while completely under the control of the State. When the State arrests an individual, it takes away, at least temporarily, that person’s ability to determine where they sleep, what they eat, how they obtain medical attention and, in many circumstances, whom they can immediately contact for assistance. With that power comes responsibility.

The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, protects the dignity of the human person and personal liberty. It recognises that deprivation of liberty must occur according to law, and provides important safeguards for persons who are arrested or detained. A detainee does not lose his humanity, because he is suspected of committing an offence. Nor does suspicion become conviction, merely because a person has been arrested. An allegation of illegal mining, does not extinguish the rights of the person arrested. Those rights remain until lawfully removed or restricted, in accordance with due process. Indeed, the very purpose of a justice system, is to ensure that the State does not punish people merely because it suspects them.

The Question is Bigger than the Cause of Death 

Much of the public discussion has understandably focused on one question: What killed the 37 detainees? Was it disease? Was it suffocation? Was overcrowding a contributing factor? Was there inadequate ventilation? Was a substance introduced into the cell? Was there a failure to provide timely medical assistance? Were there other contributing circumstances?

These are critical questions. But they are not the only questions. The investigation should also establish:

How many people were detained in the Facility?

What was the lawful capacity of the cell?

What were the conditions of detention?

Were detainees medically examined upon arrival?

Were there records of their names, ages, health conditions and time of admission?

Were family members notified of their detention?

Did detainees have access to Lawyers?

Were minors among those detained?

Who authorised the detention arrangements?

Who was responsible for monitoring the cell?

What happened when detainees began showing signs of distress?

Were requests for medical assistance made, and if so, how were they handled?

These questions are not attempts to prejudge the outcome of the investigation. They are the ordinary questions that arise, whenever people die in State custody.

The United Nations Committee Against Torture has specifically emphasised, in relation to Nigeria, that deaths in custody should be promptly, thoroughly and impartially investigated, including through independent forensic examination. It has also called for adequate healthcare for detainees, and independent medical examination. International standards therefore, reinforce what basic humanity already tells us: detention must never become a place where people disappear from public concern.

A Detainee Isn’t a Disposable Person

There is a dangerous mentality that sometimes develops around people in detention: that once someone is described as a criminal, an illegal miner, a suspect, a terrorist or any other undesirable category, whatever happens to that person becomes less important.

That mentality is fundamentally incompatible with the rule of law. The justice system does not exist, to protect only the innocent. It exists to ensure that guilt is determined lawfully, and that even those suspected or convicted of offences, are treated according to established legal standards.

This is why the presumption of innocence matters.

This is why due process matters.

This is why access to Counsel matters.

This is why medical care in detention matters.

And, this is why independent oversight matters.

The tragedy in Niger State should therefore, not be reduced to the question of whether the deceased were involved in illegal mining. Even if every allegation against every detainee was ultimately established in court, it would not answer the separate question of whether they were treated lawfully and humanely while detained.

The State Must Investigate Itself – But,  Independently 

The Federal Government has taken several steps, following the deaths. The Niger State NSCDC Commandant and other officers connected with the incident were suspended, and the Minister of Interior promptly constituted a 10-member independent Investigative Committee. The Committee was directed to investigate the circumstances of the deaths, and recommend measures to prevent a recurrence. These are important and commendable steps. But, the process’s credibility will ultimately depend on what happens next.

The investigation should preserve and examine all relevant records, including arrest registers, detention registers, duty rosters, CCTV or other recordings (where available), medical records, communications, incident reports and statements from officers and detainees. Survivors should be interviewed, in conditions that protect them from intimidation or retaliation.

Families of the deceased should be treated as participants, with legitimate interests in knowing what happened to their loved ones.

The forensic process must be transparent, and professionally conducted. Where appropriate, families should have access to relevant medical and autopsy findings. The public does not need speculation. It needs evidence.

Accountability Mustn’t Stop at Suspension 

Suspension is an administrative measure; it is not accountability. If the investigation establishes criminal conduct, the law must take its course. If it establishes negligence or breaches of professional duty, appropriate disciplinary action should follow. If it reveals systemic failures rather than individual misconduct alone, the response must extend beyond punishing individuals. This distinction is crucial.

If overcrowding contributed to the deaths, detention capacity must be addressed.

If inadequate medical care contributed, authorities must strengthen medical screening and emergency response.

If poor ventilation contributed, authorities must review detention infrastructure.

If detainees were abused, accountability mechanisms must be strengthened.

If the problem involved inadequate supervision, command structures and custodial protocols must be examined.

 Nigeria Must Confront the Culture of Custodial Impunity

The deaths in Minna should also force a broader conversation, about detention in Nigeria.

For years, human-rights advocates have drawn attention to overcrowding, prolonged detention, inadequate healthcare, torture, poor sanitation and limited access to legal assistance, across places of detention. These problems cannot be solved, one incident at a time.

Nigeria needs a custodial system in which every person entering detention is accounted for, medically assessed, properly registered, informed of their rights, and monitored throughout their detention. This should be the case, in all Places of Deprivation of Liberty (PDLs) in Nigeria. All PDLs must be known and accessible to independent monitoring mechanisms, including via regular unannounced monitoring visits. Independent monitoring should not be treated, as an intrusion into the work of security agencies. It should be understood as an essential safeguard, for both detainees and responsible officers.

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The Nelson Mandela Rules and related international standards recognise that, persons deprived of liberty retain their inherent dignity. International guidance also emphasises that custodial deaths should be reported promptly to an authority independent of the detention administration, and subjected to effective investigation.

Thirty-Seven Isn’t Just a Number

Perhaps, the greatest danger now is that the 37 deaths become another statistic. They must not.

Behind the number 37, are human beings. Whatever the allegations against them, each had a name and a family.

Some reports have raised concerns that children or very young persons, may have been among those detained. The investigation must properly verify those reports. If minors were indeed, detained, that would raise additional and extremely serious questions about the legality and appropriateness of their detention and treatment.

The families deserve answers; the surviving detainees deserve protection; the officers involved deserve a fair process; and the Nigerian public deserves the truth. These interests are not contradictory. Justice requires all of them.

From Outrage to Reform 

Public outrage is understandable. But, outrage alone will not prevent another tragedy. The real test will be, whether this incident produces lasting institutional reform.

Every law-enforcement and detention agency should have clear maximum occupancy limits for cells, mandatory medical screening on admission, emergency medical protocols, accurate custody registers, regular independent inspections, mechanisms for detainees to make confidential complaints, and clear procedures for notifying families, and immediately escalating cases when a detainee becomes seriously ill.

Supervisors – not merely junior officers – should also be clearly accountable, when custodial standards are violated.

Most importantly, Nigeria must build a culture in which the death of a person in custody automatically triggers serious, independent scrutiny. The 37 deaths in NSCDC custody therefore, present Nigeria with a choice – not a political choice, but, a choice about institutions and the rule of law. When people die under State control, the State must account not only for the immediate cause of death, but also for the conditions, decisions and failures that may have made those deaths possible.

We can allow the incident to become another disturbing headline, that gradually disappears from public memory. Or we can insist that the deaths lead to facts, accountability, institutional learning and reform. The investigation must determine exactly what happened in that cell. If wrongdoing occurred, those responsible must answer for it. If systemic failures contributed, those failures must be corrected. And, if the investigation finds that the deaths resulted from causes not involving misconduct, the public must still be given a credible explanation supported by evidence.

Because, the central question is not simply how 37 people died. It is what Nigeria will do, with the responsibility that comes with holding them in its custody. The urgent question is therefore, larger than one Facility or group of detainees: what do these deaths reveal about Nigeria’s detention system, and how many more lives remain at risk, while its safeguards remain weak?

 Custody is a Responsibility, not a Licence 

The State controls where detainees sleep, what they eat, whether they receive medical care, whether they can contact family or Counsel, and whether they can obtain help when something goes wrong. That power creates a corresponding duty to protect their life, safety, health and dignity.

When someone dies under State control, the central question is not simply whether they were suspected of an offence. It is: What happened to this person while the State had responsibility for them?

The response to the Niger State deaths must therefore, examine the custodial environment, not only the immediate medical cause of death.

A person arrested for an offence remains entitled to constitutional and legal protections, regardless of how serious or unpopular the alleged conduct may be.

The concern is not whether people should be held accountable for offences. It is whether accountability is pursued lawfully, humanely and effectively. A functioning justice system, must be capable of doing both.

Were these Deaths Preventable?

The investigation should establish the medical and factual circumstances, surrounding each death. It should determine:

• whether there was overcrowding, infectious disease or exposure to a harmful substance;

• whether detainees were medically screened on arrival and sick persons identified;

• whether medical assistance was requested and provided promptly;

• whether adequate water, sanitation, ventilation and food were available;

• whether detainees were subject to regular welfare checks; and

• whether the Facility operated within its authorised capacity.

These are human-rights and institutional-responsibility questions. The United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners – the Nelson Mandela Rules – set standards for accommodation, healthcare, sanitation, discipline, complaints and independent inspection. These are safeguards.

Nigeria Needs Stronger Independent Detention Monitoring

No institution should be the sole investigator and evaluator of its own detention practices. Independent monitoring protects detainees, and can also help responsible officers identify unsafe conditions before they become fatal.

Nigeria’s National Preventive Mechanism under the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture (OPCAT), to which Nigeria is a signatory, provides an important framework for regular visits to places of detention. Such monitoring is preventive, not adversarial. It can identify overcrowding, poor sanitation, inadequate healthcare and abusive practices before they become entrenched. The Government should strengthen the capacity and access of Independent Oversight Mechanisms to monitor all PDLs. The Government should effectively implement relevant provisions on oversight of detention and correctional facilities, including Section 34 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) 2015 and Sections 20 and 21 of the Nigerian Correctional Service Act 2019.

Alternatives to Detention 

Not everyone who is arrested, needs to remain in custody. Where lawful, consider alternatives to detention and other non-custodial measures when continued detention is unnecessary, disproportionate, or unsupported by a demonstrated risk. Reducing unnecessary detention can ease pressure on overcrowded Facilities, and limit exposure to custodial risks. Such measures must, however, be accompanied by due process, judicial oversight and appropriate safeguards.

Priority Actions: What Must Happen Now

1. NSCDC: Protect life and preserve evidence

The NSCDC should:

• secure all detention facilities, registers, medical records, duty rosters, communications, CCTV footage and incident reports relevant to the deaths;

• suspend any officer reasonably suspected of interfering with evidence, intimidating witnesses or violating detainees’ rights, without prejudging criminal liability;

• medically screen every detainee and urgently refer anyone who is ill;

• establish mandatory welfare checks, emergency-response procedures and immediate notification of senior command when a detainee becomes seriously ill or dies;

• notify families promptly and provide information about medical care, death certification and the release of remains;

• ensure access to Counsel, family contact and confidential complaints mechanisms; and

• submit all NSCDC detention Facilities to urgent inspections covering occupancy, sanitation, ventilation, water, food, healthcare and fire safety.

2. Government: Establish enforceable national standards

The Federal Government should:

• require every custodial death to be reported immediately to an independent investigative authority and relevant human-rights institutions;

• establish uniform standards for detention capacity, medical screening, healthcare, documentation, family notification, use of force and emergency response;

• fund basic custodial healthcare, sanitation, safe water, ventilation and trained detention personnel;

• create a central, regularly updated register of persons held in NSCDC and other law-enforcement custody;

• require judicial review of continued detention and expand non-custodial measures;

• strengthen the National Preventive Mechanism and guarantee regular, unannounced access to all places of detention;

• publish information on custodial deaths, investigations, findings and implementation of recommendations; and

• ensure that families can obtain independent autopsies, legal assistance and effective remedies.

3. Investigators: Conduct an independent inquiry

The investigative body should:

• perate independently of the NSCDC chain of command and disclose its membership, terms of reference and timetable;

• preserve and examine all physical, documentary, digital and medical evidence;

• conduct independent autopsies and toxicology tests where appropriate;

• interview surviving detainees, families, officers, medical personnel and other witnesses confidentially;

• establish the timeline for each arrest, admission, illness, request for assistance, treatment and death;

• determine whether overcrowding, neglect, torture, assault, disease, unsafe conditions or delayed medical care contributed to the deaths;

• identify individual, supervisory and institutional responsibility;

• protect witnesses and whistleblowers from retaliation; and

• publish a clear report with findings, referrals for prosecution or discipline and deadlines for corrective action.

In addition to the above recommendations, independent monitors and civil society must maintain scrutiny.

The Reform Conversation Must Include NSCDC Facilities 

The incident should prompt a nationwide audit of NSCDC detention Facilities, focusing on lawful admission and release, occupancy limits, medical screening, emergency healthcare, sanitation, documentation, access to Lawyers and families, protection of vulnerable persons, complaints, use of force, staff training, independent monitoring and procedures for reporting deaths.

The objective is not to stigmatise the NSCDC or its personnel. Many officers work under difficult conditions. But, institutional respect requires institutional accountability, and a professional security agency should support systems that prevent deaths, abuse and misconduct. The humanity of people deprived of liberty must remain at the centre of the justice system. That principle does not excuse crime, prevent lawful enforcement or undermine public safety. A justice system that respects human dignity is better equipped to command public confidence, produce reliable evidence, prevent abuse and uphold the legitimacy of law enforcement.

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The Niger State tragedy, should become a turning point. The investigation must establish what happened, authorities must provide credible answers to families, and those responsible must be held accountable. But, Nigeria must also address detention conditions across correctional centres, Police cells, NSCDC Facilities, military detention Facilities and other places where the State exercises control over liberty.

The priority is clear: protect detainees, preserve evidence, investigate independently, hold responsible persons and institutions accountable, and establish enforceable safeguards to prevent recurrence. The fundamental test of a State governed by law, is not how it treats those who possess power. It is how it treats those over whom it has power.

The 37 people who died in NSCDC custody, will never be able to tell their own story. We owe their families truth, survivors protection, officers due process, the public accountability, and future detainees a system where custody never means being hidden from scrutiny.

Thirty-seven people died in State custody. The response cannot stop at asking who was responsible. Nigeria must also determine what must change, so that it never happens again.

Prof Uju Agomoh, Chairperson, Nigerian Bar Association Section on Public Interest and Development Law (NBA-SPIDEL); President, Prisoners’ Rehabilitation And Welfare Action (PRAWA)

Deaths in Custody Are Never Just a Medical Event: What Minna Demands of the Nigerian State

Angela Uwandu Uzoma-Iwuchukwu

Background 

Thirty-seven people died in a Facility of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) in Minna, Niger State. Many of them were reportedly young people. They had been arrested on 15 and 16 September, 2026 on suspicion of illegal mining, and were found dead in the early hours of 17 September, within about two days of their arrest. They were suspects, not convicted persons, and they were wholly in the State’s hands. Survivors have described a desperate struggle to breathe in an overcrowded cell, and repeated calls for help as detainees began to collapse.

Numbers this large can blur into abstraction. They should not. Each of the 37 was someone’s child, sibling or neighbour. Each was, at the time of death, entirely in the hands of the Nigerian State.

The NSCDC has attributed the deaths, to a suspected disease outbreak. The Federal Government has announced an investigation, and suspended the Niger State Commandant pending its outcome. These steps are welcome. But, the precise circumstances and causes of death remain to be established, and a medical label, whatever it turns out to be, cannot close the matter. When people die in State custody, the legal question is not only what killed them; it is whether the State did everything reasonably possible, to keep them alive.

A Duty that Grows With Custody

When a person is free, the State owes them protection. When a person is deprived of his liberty, the State owes them far more, because the detainee cannot seek medical care, open a window, move to a safer room or leave. Their survival depends entirely on the authorities who hold them. Once the State takes away someone’s liberty, it takes on responsibility for their life, their health and their physical integrity. That is not a courtesy. It is the basic bargain of lawful detention. For that reason, international human rights law treats custody as a situation of heightened responsibility. The right to life carries a positive obligation: the State must not only refrain from arbitrary killing, but also take reasonable steps to protect life against foreseeable threats. Where the person at risk is in State detention, that duty is at its highest.

Human rights law describes State obligations through a familiar typology: to respect, to protect and to fulfil. To respect means that, State agents must not themselves violate the right. To protect means that the State must exercise due diligence to prevent harm from foreseeable threats, including those it did not itself create. To fulfil means that it must put in place the systems, resources and institutions that make the right real. In a detention Facility, all three duties fall on the same officials. Courts and treaty bodies, including in Europe and the Americas, have held that the duty to protect is triggered where authorities knew, or ought to have known, of a real and immediate risk to life and failed to take the reasonable measures within their powers to avert it. If the conditions survivors describe are confirmed, they were not hidden risks. They were visible to anyone who ran the Facility.

Two further consequences follow. First, the acts and omissions of a Federal agency such as the NSCDC, are attributable to the State. The failure, if one is established, is Nigeria’s. Second, where a person enters custody alive and dies there, the burden of explanation falls on the authorities who held them. Nor can scarcity excuse the failure. The UN Human Rights Committee has made clear that humane treatment of detainees, cannot depend on the material resources available to a State.

What the Convention Against Torture Requires 

Nigeria is a party to the UN Convention against Torture (UNCAT). We do not know that these deaths resulted from torture, and no one should assert it before an investigation reports. But, UNCAT is not confined to deliberate abuse. Article 2 obliges States to take effective measures to prevent torture in any territory under their jurisdiction, and the Committee against Torture has stressed that, responsibility can arise from omissions as well as acts. Article 16 extends the Convention’s core safeguards to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, a category that can include grossly overcrowded, poorly ventilated and medically neglectful conditions of detention.

Three further obligations bear directly on Minna. Article 11 requires States to keep custodial arrangements under systematic review, so that dangerous conditions are found before they kill. Article 12, which Article 16 extends to ill-treatment, requires a prompt and impartial investigation wherever there are reasonable grounds to believe that ill-treatment has occurred. Article 14, which the Committee has said applies equally to ill-treatment, guarantees victims, and in cases of death, their dependants, a right to redress. Nigeria has also ratified the Optional Protocol to the Convention, which is built on regular independent visits to places of detention.

Children in the Cell

Reports suggest that many of those who died were young, and some may have been children. Under the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), a child is anyone under 18. Article 6 protects every child’s right to life, and requires States to ensure survival and development to the maximum extent possible. Article 37 requires that detention be a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate time, that children be treated with humanity and in a manner that takes account of their age, and that they be separated from adults unless it is in their best interests not to be.

We must also confront a difficulty, that practitioners in Nigeria know well. In much of the country, and particularly in parts of the North, many people have no birth certificate, and proof of age can be hard to establish. That reality is too often exploited. Lawyers and monitors have repeatedly observed a pattern in which law enforcement agencies record young people as adults, sometimes on appearance alone, so that the protections owed to children can be bypassed. The facts in Niger State are not yet known, and we do not allege that this happened in Minna. But, the investigation must not accept an official record of age at face value.

International standards answer this problem directly. The Committee on the Rights of the Child has said that where age is uncertain, the young person is entitled to a reasonable benefit of the doubt, and that any age assessment must be fair and must not place the burden of proof on the young person. Uncertainty about age is a reason for caution, never a licence to treat a child as an adult. The inquiry should therefore, establish, by independent means, the true age of every person who died and of every survivor, and should ask why so many young people were held in a single cell.

The Mandela Rules and the Minnesota Protocol

The UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, the Nelson Mandela Rules, are not a treaty, but, they are the most authoritative statement of minimum standards for detention, and they apply in substance wherever the State holds people, whichever agency runs the Facility. 

Rule 1 demands respect for the inherent dignity of every prisoner. Rule 13 requires accommodation that meets the requirements of health, including minimum floor space, air volume and ventilation. Rule 24 makes health care a State responsibility, Rule 27 requires prompt access to medical attention in urgent cases, and Rule 11 requires young prisoners to be kept apart from adults. 

Rule 71 governs what must follow a death. Every custodial death must be reported to an authority independent of the prison administration, which must conduct a prompt, impartial and effective investigation, with relevant evidence preserved. The reason is simple: an institution cannot credibly investigate its own failures.

The Minnesota Protocol on the Investigation of Potentially Unlawful Death (2016) explains what that investigation must look like. Its principles are independence, promptness, thoroughness and transparency, and it requires an inquiry capable of determining whether failures by State authorities, including failures to take reasonable preventive measures, contributed to the deaths. For Minna, that means examining individual acts and omissions and systemic failures alike: overcrowding, ventilation, access to water and medical care, monitoring, emergency response, and the conduct of officials up the chain of command.

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In practice, the investigation must be free from the influence of anyone potentially implicated. It must immediately preserve custody and medical records, CCTV footage and communications. It must include independent forensic examinations and autopsies, protect survivors and witnesses from intimidation, keep families informed and give them appropriate access. Where violations are established, it must lead to accountability, effective remedies and measures to prevent recurrence.

Beyond Minna

It is tempting to treat Minna as an aberration. It is more honestly read as a warning. Overcrowding, poor ventilation, limited access to water and healthcare, and weak oversight have long been raised by Lawyers and monitors, about places of detention across Nigeria. Prevention means opening every place of detention, whether run by the Prison Service, the Police, the NSCDC or any other agency, to regular independent inspection. It means enforcing capacity limits, keeping children out of detention wherever alternatives exist, and guaranteeing that a detainee who begins to collapse can summon help that arrives in time. These are not aspirations. They are obligations Nigeria accepted when it ratified these treaties.

The Federal Government has said it will investigate. The test now is whether that process is independent, transparent and capable of following the evidence wherever it leads, and whether its findings are made public. Every person deprived of liberty is entitled to humane treatment, and to the protection of life and dignity. When the State fails that duty and lives are lost, the least it owes the dead, and those who loved them, is the truth and accountability. The international human rights community will keep monitoring this case, and pressing for both.

Angela Uwandu Uzoma-Iwuchukwu, Country Director of Avocats Sans Frontières France/Lawyers Without Borders France

Deaths in Custody: The Niger NSCDC Tragedy and Accountability Questions Nigeria Must Answer

Okechukwu Nwanguma

Allegations 

The reported deaths of suspected illegal miners after their arrest and detention by the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) in Niger State, raise questions that go far beyond the immediate circumstances of the incident. They touch on one of the most persistent weaknesses in Nigeria’s criminal justice and law-enforcement system: what happens to citizens after the State takes away their liberty.

Reports concerning the precise number of deaths have varied. What is not in dispute, is that deaths occurred among persons taken into NSCDC custody. There have also been disturbing allegations about overcrowding, inadequate ventilation, detainees struggling to breathe and calling for assistance.

These claims must, of course, be established by evidence. But, their seriousness makes an independent investigation imperative.

The starting point is a simple legal and moral principle: whether the deceased were involved in illegal mining, is a completely different question from whether the authorities fulfilled their duty to protect them while they were in custody.

Illegal mining is a serious problem. It has economic, environmental and security consequences, and the Government has both the authority and responsibility to enforce the law. But, law enforcement must itself remain within the law. 

Arrest and Detention 

A person arrested on suspicion of committing an offence, does not cease to possess fundamental rights. Such a person remains presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law, and retains the rights to life, dignity, humane treatment and due process.

Indeed, detention increases rather than diminishes the responsibility of the State. Once the State deprives individuals of their liberty, it assumes a heightened duty of care because detainees can no longer independently provide for their safety, medical needs or basic conditions of survival.

 This is why deaths in custody, require more than administrative explanations.

The Questions that Must be Answered

The Niger incident demands answers to several straightforward questions.

How many persons were arrested? How many were detained in the affected facility and how many died? What was the authorised capacity of the detention Facility? How many detainees were confined in each cell?

What were the ventilation, sanitation and general conditions of detention? Were the detainees medically screened, when they were admitted into custody?

If some detainees became ill or experienced respiratory distress, when did officers first become aware of it? There have been allegations that detainees called or banged on the cell door for assistance. Did this happen? If so, how did the officers on duty respond?

When was medical assistance requested? Where were affected detainees taken for treatment, and what treatment was administered?

These are questions that should be capable of objective verification through custody registers, duty rosters, medical records, incident reports, communication records, witness testimony and, where available, CCTV recordings.

Most importantly, independent medical examinations should establish the cause, manner and approximate time of each death. It is not enough to speculate that, detainees might have died from an illness or disease. Such an explanation must be supported by credible medical and forensic evidence.

Can an Agency Investigate Itself?

The NSCDC’s reported decision to investigate the deaths is necessary, but an internal investigation cannot be the final word.

The institution whose officers exercised custody over the deceased, has an obvious institutional interest in the outcome. This does not mean that, every internal investigation will necessarily be dishonest. It means simply that, public confidence requires an additional mechanism possessing demonstrable independence from the agency concerned.

The Federal Government should therefore, ensure an independent investigation involving the National Human Rights Commission and other competent authorities, outside the NSCDC chain of command.

Independent forensic post-mortem examinations should be conducted, accompanied by appropriate laboratory and toxicological examinations where necessary. Families should be properly notified, identified bodies should be accounted for, and relatives should have reasonable access to information concerning the investigation.

Evidence must also be preserved immediately.

 CCTV recordings, custody registers, arrest records, duty rosters, medical records, communication logs and incident reports must be secured against disappearance, alteration or destruction. Survivors should be interviewed confidentially, and protected against intimidation or retaliation.

Accountability cannot depend exclusively, on documents produced by the institution being investigated.

A Wider Problem of Custodial Safeguards

The Niger deaths also expose a broader weakness, in Nigeria’s detention system.

Custodial safeguards tend to focus overwhelmingly, on the Nigeria Police Force. Yet, several other security and law-enforcement agencies possess powers that result in arrest and detention. The same fundamental standards must apply, wherever the State deprives a person of liberty.

This is why mechanisms for independent monitoring of detention Facilities, need to extend beyond conventional Police cells. The Police Duty Solicitor Scheme and related mechanisms for early access to legal assistance, demonstrate the importance of independent actors gaining access to persons shortly after arrest.

Nigeria should consider how similar safeguards can be institutionalised, across detention Facilities operated by other law-enforcement and security agencies. Independent inspection, accurate custody registers, prompt access to Lawyers and family members, medical screening on admission, periodic welfare checks and clearly documented procedures for medical emergencies, should be minimum standards rather than optional administrative practices.

Mass Arrests Present an Additional Danger

An agency should not arrest numbers of people that exceed its capacity, to detain them safely. Overcrowding is not merely an inconvenience. In poorly ventilated spaces, particularly where detainees have underlying health conditions or remain confined for prolonged periods, it can become life-threatening.

Operational planning must therefore, include detention capacity. If an agency intends to arrest dozens of suspects, it must first determine where those persons can lawfully and humanely be held.

From Investigation to Accountability

An independent investigation, is only the beginning. If the evidence establishes criminal negligence, deliberate mistreatment, obstruction of medical assistance, falsification of records or other unlawful conduct, those responsible should face appropriate criminal or disciplinary proceedings. Where institutional failures contributed to the deaths, responsibility should not automatically stop with the most junior officers who happened to be on duty. Investigators should examine command decisions, detention policies, supervision, staffing and the adequacy of Facilities.

Families must also have access to effective remedies, including compensation, where official negligence or unlawful conduct is established.

Ultimately, this case presents a basic test of the rule of law.

People entered a Government detention Facility alive. A number of them subsequently, died. The burden therefore, rests heavily on the State to provide a credible, evidence-based and independently verifiable explanation of what happened between those two points.

The issue should not be reduced to competing narratives between Government agencies, survivors, journalists or civil society organisations. Nor should legitimate concern about illegal mining, obscure the more fundamental issue.

The question is whether people deprived of their liberty by the Nigerian State, can be confident that the State will protect their lives while investigating allegations against them. The answer must come, not from assurances, but from transparent investigation, forensic evidence and accountability.

The dead deserve the truth. Their families deserve answers. And, Nigerians deserve the assurance that no person taken into State custody will disappear behind detention walls and emerge dead, without an independent accounting of what happened.

Okechukwu Nwanguma, Executive Director, Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre (RULAAC)

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As Nigeria’s Electricity Reset Gathers Momentum – THISDAYLIVE

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Nigeria’s emerging power blueprint promises a decisive shift from grid dependency to reliable, decentralised electricity, writes Festus Akanbi

The national grid has traditionally measured Nigeria’s electricity crisis: the volume of power generated, the frequency of system collapses, and the quantity delivered to consumers. Although these indicators remain important, the federal government’s emerging strategy suggests a broader approach built around grid reinforcement, decentralised markets, renewable energy, universal metering, industrial power corridors, local manufacturing and private investment.

If implemented consistently, this blueprint could gradually transform electricity from a national liability into an instrument of industrial growth. Its strength lies in recognising that Nigeria cannot solve its power crisis merely by building more generating plants while neglecting transmission, distribution, metering, and payment discipline.

Presenting his first 100 days in office recently, the Minister of Power, Mr Joseph Tegbe, acknowledged that Nigerians would judge the government by improvements in their daily electricity experience.

“I promised a disciplined approach to solving the sector’s problems. I promised to pursue grid stability through structured, strategic reforms. I promised visible, incremental improvements. And I promised honest communication with Nigerians,” he said.

That candour is necessary because the sector remains deeply troubled. According to Tegbe, the government’s initial diagnosis revealed inadequate gas supply, ageing generating plants, deferred maintenance, weak transmission infrastructure, vandalism, estimated billing and poor revenue collection.

“The sector diagnosis revealed payment of only 27 per cent of generation companies’ bills, undermining their ability to maintain plants and pay gas suppliers,” he disclosed.

Distribution companies were also recording aggregate technical, commercial and collection losses of between 30 and 40 per cent, while arrears owed by ministries, departments and agencies exceeded N100 billion.

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Tegbe summarised the sector’s vicious cycle: “Unpaid bills weaken gas supply and maintenance; unreliable supply depresses collections; poor collections deepen debt. A new power station cannot, by itself, resolve that cycle.”

The government’s immediate response has been to repair existing infrastructure and recover stranded capacity. The 375-megawatt Alaoji open-cycle power plant has returned to the grid after three years of inactivity. New transformers commissioned at Apapa, Ijora, Alausa and Lekki unlocked 672MW of transmission capacity, while another transformer at Katampe, Abuja, added 240MW.

“Operational records show generation and transmission above 5,000MW over the past couple of weeks, compared to the 3,700MW-to-4,700MW range before June,” Tegbe said. A generation peak of 5,330MW was also recorded in August and September.

For an economy of Nigeria’s size, however, 5,330MW remains profoundly inadequate. Tegbe appeared conscious of this limitation. “Our next task is to sustain these gains and translate them into more dependable supply at customer level,” he said. “We are aware that a national peak alone cannot describe the experience of every community.”

The proposed Transmission Super Grid is central to the longer-term strategy. Technical audits have begun along the Lagos and Abuja corridors, with further stabilisation planned for the Lagos, Enugu-Port Harcourt and Abuja-Kaduna-Kano axes.

According to the minister, the audits will “identify weak points and guide investment to interventions with verified system impact.” A stronger transmission backbone could improve power evacuation, reduce instability and provide the reserve capacity required to withstand disruptions.

However, the Super Grid must not become another grand project trapped in funding difficulties, procurement disputes and administrative inertia. Its financing arrangements, implementation responsibilities and delivery milestones must be defined and regularly published.

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Perhaps the most consequential component is the plan to connect electricity directly to productive economic clusters.

“We will improve the use of existing assets and link supply more directly to productive economic clusters,” Tegbe said. Bilateral arrangements between generation and distribution companies, he explained, are intended “to improve capacity utilisation and payment certainty.”

Dedicated supply to industrial corridors could allow manufacturers, agro-processing companies and small businesses to reduce their dependence on expensive generators. Reliable electricity would lower production costs, strengthen competitiveness and support employment.

Decentralisation offers another promising route. The Electricity Act 2023 empowers states to establish and regulate intrastate electricity markets. Rather than perceive these markets as threats, Tegbe said the government had embraced decentralisation “as an opportunity to unleash innovation, competition and investment across the federation.”

This could enable states to develop solutions around their resources. Gas-producing states could promote embedded generation, agricultural states could develop small hydro and biomass projects, while solar installations and mini-grids could serve remote communities.

Nevertheless, decentralisation will succeed only where states possess the institutional capacity to regulate operators, protect consumers and resist political interference. Without clear responsibilities and technical standards, Nigeria could merely replace one troubled national market with several weak state markets.

Renewable energy is equally prominent in the blueprint. According to Tegbe, 62 solar and mini-grid installations across 30 states have provided about 43.6MW of capacity and 41,735 connections, reaching more than 208,000 people.

“These are practical additions to access for communities and public institutions,” he said.

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The portfolio includes a three-megawatt solar hybrid system serving more than 50,000 students and workers at Yakubu Gowon University, Abuja; a 20MW off-grid initiative in Kogi; a 3.5MW solar project in Kebbi; and a 5.5MW mini-grid in Epe. Thirty-nine planned mini-grids in Adamawa are expected to serve 40,000 households, 6,000 small businesses and more than 100 public institutions.

The government is also seeking to connect foreign investment with domestic production. Proposed projects include a $500 million power-equipment industrial park, a Nigerian cable-assembly plant and training centre, a $116 million Zungeru evacuation project and a three-year delivery programme for the East-West Super Grid.

“These proposals link infrastructure delivery to local production and technical capability,” Tegbe said.

Metering remains indispensable. Approximately 350,000 meters were installed during the minister’s first 100 days, while cumulative installations exceeded one million by August 2026. The resolution of litigation also unlocked the procurement of about 1.4 million smart meters, as 5,000 Nigerians undergo installer training.

According to Tegbe, metering will “replace disputed estimates with measured consumption and improve revenue accountability.”

The emerging strategy rests on a sound premise: Nigeria cannot generate its way out of the electricity crisis without simultaneously fixing transmission, distribution, regulation and commercial discipline.

Tegbe admitted that “national progress can coexist with an unreliable feeder in a particular community.” That should remain the government’s reality check. Success will not be measured by agreements signed or megawatts announced, but by factories abandoning generators, households receiving accurate bills and communities enjoying dependable electricity.

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Agbara Nla premieres in Abuja

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Christian movie, Agbara Nla, was on Friday premiered in Abuja ahead of its release in cinemas across the country on October 1, 2026.

The premiere attracted members of the Christian community and other guests, with members of the production team and cast speaking on the message and expected impact of the film.

Speaking at the event, the co-director of the movie, Damilola Mike-Bamiloye, said the production was designed to communicate a message of faith, hope and deliverance.

He said the team planned to take the movie beyond cinemas to reach a wider audience.

“The cinema is the first start. Then from there, we plan by God’s grace to go to churches, communities, and schools,” he said.

Mike-Bamiloye added that the team was targeting at least one million souls through the movie.

“The aim is to win as many souls as we can through this film. I believe it could even be more than one million,” he said.

Also speaking, Pastor Philip Olubakin, who featured in the movie, said Agbara Nla would help rekindle people’s desire for God and encourage them to reconnect with their faith.

He said, “I think it’s going to spark up a desire for God in the hearts of people. I think it’s also going to help people reconnect to the call of God.”

Olubakin added that the movie would also project what he described as the supremacy of the power of Jesus.

“I also think this movie is going to project that the power of Jesus indeed is supreme and superior to every other power in the world,” he added.

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Solomon Odeniyi

Solomon Odeniyi is a journalist at Punch Newspapers with over six years of professional experience. He has covered key national beats including the judiciary, military, and police, and currently reports on anti-corruption and related issues. Solomon’s work reflects a strong commitment to development-oriented reporting, public interest journalism, and accountability.

All rights reserved. This material, and other digital content on this website, may not be reproduced, published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed in whole or in part without prior express written permission from PUNCH.

Contact: [email protected]

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Ikorodu City face stern test against champions Enugu Rangers

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Ikorodu City host Enugu Rangers at the Mobolaji Johnson Arena on Sunday, September 27, with kick-off at 3pm, as the home side looks to turn its familiar surroundings into points against a visiting team carrying the stronger recent form.

Rangers arrive on the back of a run of one draw and three wins from their last four matches, a sequence that suggests a side growing in confidence.

The champions returned to Onikan last time out and beat Ranchers Bees 1-0 in midweek, having also won the title with a 2-1 victory over Ikorodu City on the final day of last season, both goals scored by Chidiebere Nwobodo. Rangers head into Sunday’s match unbeaten in four.

Ikorodu City, by contrast, have won, drawn, drawn and lost their last four matches, and sit 12th in the table on five points. The hosts remain unbeaten at home this season but must first answer a 2-1 defeat away at Bendel Insurance.

With both clubs still shaping their season, Sunday’s meeting offers an opportunity to build an early platform, though Rangers’ task will be to protect their positive record away from home, where the pressure of maintaining discipline can matter as much as attacking ambition.

All rights reserved. This material, and other digital content on this website, may not be reproduced, published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed in whole or in part without prior express written permission from PUNCH.

Contact: [email protected]

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Alumni honour IG Disu with lifetime award

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The St. Gregory’s College Old Boys Association has honoured the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, with a Lifetime Achievement Award for his contributions to policing and public service.

Disu received the award alongside the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Olayemi Cardoso, at a reception in Lagos on Saturday to celebrate distinguished old boys of the college.

The Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Ani Iniedu, who disclosed this in a post on Saturday via his X handle, @cspiniedu, the award recognised Disu’s more than three decades of service to the Nigeria Police Force.

Disu graduated from St. Gregory’s College in 1985 and joined the police as a Cadet Assistant Superintendent of Police in 1992.

He has served in several operational and leadership positions, including Commander of the Lagos State Rapid Response Squad, Head of the Intelligence Response Team and Commissioner of Police.

He was appointed the 23rd indigenous Inspector-General of Police in February 2026.

The association also recognised his contributions to intelligence-led policing, criminal investigation, international peacekeeping, personnel welfare and community policing.

Reacting to the honour, Disu thanked the old boys’ association, saying the recognition from his alma mater was particularly significant.

He said the values and education acquired at St. Gregory’s College had helped shape his career and commitment to public service.

Disu reaffirmed his commitment to serving Nigeria with integrity and strengthening the police as a professional and accountable institution.

This version is closer to PUNCH’s compact print treatment: fewer adjectives, shorter paragraphs, attribution early, and no repetition of the same achievement in multiple forms.

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LG boss lauds Tinubu over reforms

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The Chairman of Ilorin South Local Government Area of Kwara State, Nuhu Podo, has lauded the reforms of the President Bola Tinubu administration, saying they have increased financial resources available to local governments for grassroots development.

Podo stated this in Ilorin while presenting his administration’s two-year scorecard, where he highlighted more than 130 projects and interventions executed across the council’s 11 wards.

The chairman said the removal of fuel subsidy, foreign exchange reforms and increased financial autonomy for local governments had improved the capacity of the council to execute development projects.

He said the council, with the support of the state government, had implemented projects in security, education, electricity, water supply, roads and administrative infrastructure.

On security, Podo said his administration had employed an additional 150 security personnel and distributed 50 motorcycles for community surveillance.

He added that the council upgraded the Civil Defence Outpost in Alagbado to a full division and donated a Sienna bus to strengthen patrol operations.

According to him, the measures were aimed at improving security and the council’s response to security concerns across the local government.

In the education sector, Podo said the council had renovated classrooms and principals’ offices in some schools, distributed writing materials to reduce the financial burden on parents, and constructed a multipurpose hall at Sheikh AbdulSalam Junior Secondary School.

Podo added that the council, through the Kwara State Universal Basic Education Board, facilitated the renovation of junior secondary schools in Isale Maliki, Ajibesin and other communities.

He disclosed that the council sponsored 30 students at the College of Health Sciences, Osogbo.

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“We also constructed a multipurpose hall at Sheikh AbdulSalam Junior Secondary School and named it the Mutawalli of Ilorin Hall, in recognition of the importance of supporting educational development,” he said.

The chairman said the council had also made interventions in the power sector, noting that he received the 2025 Nigerian Local Government Chairmen Merit Award for the distribution of 17 transformers serving communities across the local government.

On water supply, Podo said the administration had drilled new boreholes and repaired existing ones across the 11 wards to improve residents’ access to potable water.

Podo commended Tinubu for the reforms, which he said had strengthened the financial capacity of local governments to execute projects and provide services at the grassroots.

The chairman was accompanied at the briefing by the Vice Chairman, Joel Mary Abiodun; Council Secretary, Mohammed Hameed; and Speaker of the Legislative Arm, Jimoh Taibat Tope.

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Layeni-Dawodu colloquium seeks intellectual public engagemen

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A colloquium convened by businessman and politician, Adeola Layeni-Dawodu, has called for a more intellectually grounded approach to political participation and discussions around governance in Nigeria.

The colloquium, which held at the Radisson Blu Hotel in Ikeja, Lagos, had the theme, “Renewed Hope, Real Progress: Highlighting the Achievements of the Tinubu Administration and Building a Stronger Tomorrow Together.”

Speaking on the motivation behind the event, Layeni-Dawodu said the initiative was driven by a desire to create a platform where issues of governance could be discussed beyond rallies, slogans and political personalities.

He said, “The inspiration was really a desire to create a more intellectually grounded conversation about governance.

“Politics is often discussed through rallies, slogans and personalities, but governance itself deserves a more serious interrogation. President Tinubu’s administration has undertaken significant reforms across the economy, infrastructure, agriculture, education, housing, energy and social investment, and I felt there was value in creating a platform where those issues could be examined beyond the usual political rhetoric.

“For me, the colloquium was therefore not simply about praising an administration. It was about asking: What has been done? Why were these decisions taken? What has been achieved? What challenges remain? And what should the next phase of the Renewed Hope agenda look like?

“I believe political engagement should contribute to the intellectual development of society. That was the spirit behind the colloquium.”

Explaining the choice of speakers, the convener said competence, relevance and experience were the major considerations.

He noted that the organisers deliberately brought together academics, policy practitioners, political actors, professionals and others with knowledge of the sectors discussed at the event.

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On the objectives and outcome of the programme, Layeni-Dawodu said the event was designed to encourage informed public discourse and document conversations around the first three years of the administration.

He added that the event was also intended to demonstrate that political support could coexist with constructive questioning and accountability.

“The immediate objective was to encourage informed public discourse and properly document the conversation around the first three years of the administration.

“But beyond that, I wanted people to leave the room understanding that political participation does not have to be superficial. You can support a government and still ask difficult questions. You can acknowledge progress and still identify areas where more needs to be done,” he said.

Layeni-Dawodu maintained that he was encouraged by the quality of participation and discussions at the event, but noted that the colloquium should not be seen as an indication that all challenges had been resolved.

“The quality of participation and the depth of the conversations demonstrated that there is an appetite for a more substantive form of political engagement. But I would not say the work is finished. In fact, a successful colloquium should create more questions and more responsibility, not give us the impression that everything has been solved,” he said.

Addressing the perception of political engagement as being largely centered on rallies and grassroots mobilisation, he called for a broader understanding of participation in a democracy.

He added that political structures could be built alongside intellectual capacity, noting that political supporters should also be able to scrutinise and evaluate policies.

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“You can mobilise people and still educate them. You can build political structures and still build intellectual capacity. You can support a political party and still insist that its policies should be properly explained and their outcomes evaluated.

“That is the kind of political culture I would like to see develop in Nigeria,” he said.

Speaking on his political aspirations, Layeni-Dawodu said his immediate focus was on building capacity and contributing to public discourse, governance and community development.

He said, “In the short term, my aspiration is to continue building my capacity and contributing meaningfully to public discourse, governance and community development. I want to remain engaged with issues that directly affect people, particularly housing, youth development, urban renewal, economic opportunity and the preservation of our cultural identity.”

He added that he believed political ambition should be accompanied by adequate preparation.

“Political ambition should never be separated from preparation. You should prepare yourself for responsibility before responsibility comes to you.

“In the long term, I would like to serve at a level where I can translate ideas into tangible outcomes and contribute to better governance, particularly for Lagos and Nigeria.

“But I don’t want to define my political journey simply by the office I eventually occupy. For me, the more important question is what value I am able to create wherever I find myself.”

Other speakers at the colloquium included a former member of the House of Representatives and Special Adviser to the Lagos State Governor on Parastatal Monitoring, Ibrahim Obanikoro, who spoke on internal affairs; Senior Lecturer in the Department of Employment Relations and Human Resource Management at the University of Lagos, Dr Tunde Elegbede, who spoke on education; and Adebisi Akinyemi, a director at Zane Systems and strategic aircraft procurement partner, who addressed issues concerning the Federal Capital Territory.

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Also speaking were the Chief Executive Officer of Candiva Signature Empire, Aminat Okikiola, who discussed agriculture; lawyer and public advocate, Belinda Ezofor, popularly known as Belinda Uju, who spoke on petroleum; communication professional and consultant, Biodun Bakare, who addressed works; and Uju Odumodu, a senior executive at Alpha Pharmacy and Stores Ltd and General Manager at Lasena Water, who spoke on health.

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INEC and Compromised Academics – THISDAYLIVE

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With the recent reports that more than 600 senior academics from public universities across the 19 northern states and the Federal Capital Territory endorsed President Bola Tinubu for a second term, Davidson Iriekpen calls on the Independent National Electoral Commission to thoroughly scruntise the collation and returning officers it will recruit to oversee the 2027 elections if it wants the 2027 presidential poll to be  free, fair and credible

Genuine concerns were raised recently on the credibility of the 2027 presidential election following the reports that over 600 senior academics from public universities across the 19 northern states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) endorsed President Bola Tinubu for a second-term bid ahead of the poll.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) hires university lecturers to conduct elections, and political analysts believe the endorsement could taint the neutrality of these lecturers in the conduct of the 2027 elections and undermine the credibility of the polls.

 The organisers and participating academics announced their endorsement in Kaduna at a meeting convened by the Special Adviser to the President on Political Matters, Ibrahim Masari, and attended by various northern governors and federal ministers.

These academics reportedly claimed that their backing of the president’s reelection was conditional and based on data analysis of infrastructure development, educational funding reforms like Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND), and other administration policies.

However, many fear that the non-neutrality of such critical stakeholders in the nation’s electoral system could influence the outcome of the presidential election in favour of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Sensing the danger this could pose to other political parties and the credibility of the 2023 presidential election, the Peter Obi Media Office (POMR) was the first to raise concerns over the endorsement.

In a statement signed by its spokesman, Idris Zekeri, the office described the alleged endorsement as an early attempt to build what it called a network of partisan actors ahead of the election.

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It said the development was particularly concerning because university academics had frequently been engaged as electoral officials, including returning and collation officers.

The office alleged that electoral malpractice could begin long before election day through the identification, cultivation and placement of individuals capable of influencing the process.

 It urged Nigerians to remain vigilant and called on the INEC to publish the names of all prospective collation and returning officers well ahead of the 2027 elections. Such disclosure, it stated, would allow civil society organisations, political parties and the public to assess the political neutrality of prospective electoral officials.

“Their public backing for the incumbent consequently raises a serious and unavoidable question: Is the framework for manipulating the 2027 election already being established?” it queried.

“Electoral rigging does not suddenly occur on election day; it begins months or even years earlier through the identification, cultivation, and placement of individuals capable of influencing the process when votes are finally cast,” the statement added.

It further called on university governing councils and academic bodies nationwide to adopt strict conflict-of-interest rules to prevent staff from using their professional positions to facilitate partisan political mobilisation.

Recall that one of the strategies introduced during the military regimes was the appointment of academics from Nigerian universities as chairman of INEC. When the country returned to democratic governance in 1999, the practice was sustained.

Professor Attahiru Jega, who was appointed INEC chairman by former President Goodluck Jonathan, expanded the practice to include the deployment of university academics as election officials in the 2015 general election.

He saw it as part of the efforts to ensure the credibility and integrity of the electoral process.

Under the arrangement, vice-chancellors functioned as Returning Officers at the federal and state levels, while lecturers and other academics played roles at the local government level. 

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Jega believed that the academics were an embodiment of integrity, who would be less susceptible to inducements by unscrupulous politicians who might try to corrupt electoral officials to subvert the will of the electorate. 

The INEC boss was also of the view that lecturers knew that their honour as members of the intelligentsia was at stake, and they would not easily soil their reputation and career by aiding electoral malpractices.

Justifying his decision, Jega said, “We know that anybody who has risen in the system to become a vice chancellor will not for anything damage his or her reputation by pandering to the wishes of politicians.”

However, experience gathered from several elections has shown otherwise. It is now obvious that academics, like other professionals, are susceptible to corruption.

Professors and other lecturers have been aiding electoral malpractices since the return to democracy in 1999.

Ironically, while reacting to the 2019 general election, Jega, attending an event at Bayero University, Kano, where he was once Vice Chancellor and is currently a lecturer, expressed disappointment with university lecturers for “allegedly conniving with politicians to undermine the integrity and outcome of this year’s general elections.”

He expressed disappointment against the background of the conviction of two professors and complaints against many others, showing that not all academics are men of honour and character. 

In 2019, two courts in Akwa Ibom State sentenced professors Peter Ogban and Ignatius Uduk to terms of imprisonment for electoral fraud committed during the 2019 general election.

Ogban, a Professor of Soil Science at the University of Calabar, and Uduk, a Professor of Human Kinetics at the University of Uyo, received three years’ imprisonment for their offences.

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University lecturers have been accused of conniving with politicians and their political parties to alter and write results in their favour.

Even those with mathematics, engineering, business administration and accountancy backgrounds are known to have embarrassed themselves during the collation of election results by their inability to reconcile the figures due to the falsification of the figures.

This has made those who had faulted Jega’s action then and questioned the yardstick used in choosing university dons as collation/returning officers by the commission to believe that they have now been vindicated.

Lately, INEC has been facing criticism for not improving the system. Concerns have also been raised about the appointment of partisan individuals, card-carrying members of political parties and known allies of politicians into leadership roles in the commission.

As the commission prepares for the next general election in 2027, it behoves INEC to hinge the appointment of election officials on character and integrity.

 The time to start headhunting credible individuals to conduct the elections as officials is now. It should cast its net wide to include other professionals in its search for men and women of honour and integrity.

For the sake of transparency, the electoral commission must also strive to publish the complete list of all prospective Collation and Returning Officers well in advance of future elections in order to allow civil society, political parties, and the public to evaluate and scrutinise their political neutrality. 

The machinery for rigging must not be allowed to take root before the election even begins.

INEC should not only be open and transparent but must be seen to be open and transparent in all the processes leading to the conduct of the 2027 general election to sustain Nigeria’s election.

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Bandits forced me into hiding – Rev Omolehin

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The founder of Word Assembly Ministries, Ilorin, Rev Isaac Omolehin, has raised the alarm over a threat by bandits to attack his church camp at Idofian village in Ifelodun Local Government Area of Kwara State.

The cleric said the threat forced him and his family to go into hiding for safety.

Omolehin disclosed this in a statement made available to journalists on Saturday by his spokesperson, Grace Edema.

According to him, the police arrived at the camp at midnight between May 30 and 31 and ordered an immediate evacuation following a threat of a bandit attack.

The cleric, known for his criticism of denominational divisions in the Nigerian Church, lamented that the threat forced him, his family and more than 100 residents of the facility to flee the camp.

He noted that the camp had remained deserted since the evacuation, rendering the residents homeless.

“The police came to my camp in the middle of the night and asked everybody to run because kidnappers were coming to attack me. The whole camp was deserted, and it has remained deserted,” he said.

He disclosed that although he was away when the evacuation took place, the kidnappers eventually came to the camp but met an empty facility.

“They came, the bandits, but they didn’t meet anybody,” he added.

He said the security threat had forced him to move from one location to another with his wife and children.

“I have a house I can’t enter. I have a car I can’t ride. I have to hide myself from the public. If I sleep here today, I’ll sleep somewhere else tomorrow. I’m homeless with my wife and children,” Omolehin said.

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The facility, he said, catered for orphaned children and housed a primary school, secondary school, hospital, old people’s home and a rehabilitation centre for mentally challenged women rescued from the streets, alongside their children.

“Bandits chased us out of that place. The school cannot open, the hospital is not functioning, and the patients and nurses all ran for their lives,” he added.

Omolehin said more than 100 residents of the camp are now scattered across different locations because authorities have yet to declare the area safe for their return.

“We wrote to the police because they were the ones who asked us to leave. We asked if it was safe for us to return because schools had resumed and we have over a hundred children that need to go to school. There has been no response,” the cleric stated.

He added that reports were also submitted to the Department of State Services and the Kwara State Ministry of Social Welfare, which supervises orphanages and rehabilitation centres, but he said no official response had been received.

“Three days after the attack on my camp here in Kwara, my village in Kogi State was also attacked, and my people were killed. When they missed me here in Kwara, they went to my village and attacked my people.

“The kidnappers did not destroy our buildings; the structures in the camp are still intact. However, a few days after we evacuated, thieves began breaking into the camp and carting away our belongings.

“Those were different criminals. The kidnappers did not come to steal refrigerators, fans or mattresses. They came for human beings. The people who looted our property are not the same as the kidnappers.”

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Reflecting on his continued public advocacy despite criticism, Omolehin said attacks against him have ranged from social media abuse to restrictions on his ministry.

“The attacks are still going on, but they don’t affect me. Jesus already told us that our preaching may be resisted.”

He revealed that he was recently barred from preaching in Baptist churches, saying, “Baptists banned me from preaching in Baptist churches just about a month ago.”

Omolehin appealed to the Federal and Kwara State governments to strengthen security around the camp to enable displaced residents to return, noting that some of the orphaned children in his care were referred to the facility by government authorities.

“I want to appeal to the government to improve security so that I can return to the camp with my family and all the people I look after. Some of the children in the orphanage were brought to us by the government. Even if they say they don’t care about the rest of us, what about the children they entrusted to us?” he said.

Efforts to get the reaction of the state police command were unsuccessful, as the Police Public Relations Officer, Adetoun Ejire-Adeyemi, did not respond to calls or messages as of the time of filing this report.

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Human Life Continues to Be Worthless in Nigeria – THISDAYLIVE

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What is really the worth of the life of a Nigerian? Killings and deaths have become part of normal life in the country.

If it is not from terrorists and bandits’ attacks, it is from trigger-happy security operatives, or from avoidable reckless driving, or preventable diseases.

One thing is common from these deaths: They are caused by lack of accountability and collapse of governance.

Two weeks ago, at least 48 people died and five others were totally blinded after consuming locally prepared alcoholic and herbal concoctions linked to high concentrations of methanol in Ondo State.

The National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), said preliminary findings showed that 11 of the 15 samples tested positive for Cannabis indica, while gas chromatography confirmed the presence of high concentrations of methanol.

Nigerians had hardly recovered from the sad news when another heartbreaking news broke indicating that 37 suspected illegal miners died in the custody of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) in Minna, Niger State, following arrests made on September 15 and 16, 2026.

The NSCDC initially lied that a sudden disease outbreak caused the deaths but preliminary accounts from survivors showed that spraying of unknown substance in the cell, severe overcrowding and poor ventilation caused the deaths.

In Nigeria, lives are beginning to become valueless. Apart from the fact that a lot of people are no longer attaching any value to the lives of others, a lot of Nigerians are also not attaching much value to their own lives.

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All of these are often caused by the carelessness of those in authority and sheer greed and quest to make brisk money at the expense of other people’s lives. Some deaths are caused by sheer negligence.

The lack of consequences has made the loss of lives to fester.  This is why the Attorney General of the Federation, states’ Attorneys-General and Commissioners for Justice must immediately step in to ensure the speedy prosecution of persons found culpable in the deaths.

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